Chess becomes a geopolitical battleground as Russia exploits sport for war propaganda

Under Joseph Stalin’s directive in the 1930s, chess became a state-sponsored pursuit, with schools, clubs and competitions proliferating across the USSR. The game’s intellectual rigor made it an ideal vehicle for showcasing Soviet superiority on the world stage.

The Soviet chess machine was unparalleled. Promising talents were identified early and nurtured through a robust network of schools and mentorship programs, most notably under the tutelage of world champion Mikhail Botvinnik. Chess magazines, grand tournaments and films portrayed the game as a prestigious pursuit, accessible to all citizens, from factory workers to academics.

It was a strategic tool as much as a pastime. Top players like Anatoly Karpov in the 1970s and Kasparov in the 1980s became household names, earning prestige and privileges rare for Soviet citizens, including opportunities to travel abroad during the Cold War.

The Soviet dominance of the world championship, with eight winners spanning several decades, was testament to the state’s investment. However, the collapse of the USSR in 1991 dismantled much of the infrastructure that had sustained this control. Clubs were privatized, top players emigrated and funding dwindled, marking a decline in Russia’s once-unquestioned supremacy.

Despite those setbacks, Russian influence in chess persisted — which brings us back to FIDE.

Since 1982, the organization has been heavily influenced by Russian figures, such as Kirsan Ilyumzhinov and Dvorkovich, who both served as president. Ilyumzhinov even played chess with Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi during their concurrent reigns.

Controversy has dogged Russian chess in recent years, as Putin has become more aggressive on the world stage. 

For a time, the federation’s only official sponsors were Russian companies, including state-owned giants like Russian Railways and atomic energy corporation Rosatom, highlighting its reliance on Kremlin-linked capital and raising questions about financial transparency.  

Western sanctions following the 2022 invasion limited Russian players’ participation in global events under their national flag. But Russians continue to compete in individual capacities, often without having publicly condemned the war. And in 2023, the Russian Chess Federation controversially shifted its affiliation from the European Chess Union to the Asian Chess Federation, a move seen by critics as a cynical attempt to circumvent sanctions.

‘Pure indoctrination’

Russian oversight of world chess has sparked questions for FIDE about its neutrality and commitment to international law — after a heated legal dispute over chess tournaments with big cash prizes being held in Ukraine’s occupied territories.

In June last year, FIDE’s Ethics Commission issued a landmark ruling against the Russian Chess Federation (RCF), imposing a two-year suspension on the body following a complaint from the Ukrainian Chess Federation. 

The charges were serious: organizing chess tournaments in occupied territories, collaborating with sanctioned individuals and breaching FIDE’s own neutrality policy. The decision also reprimanded Dvorkovich.

But in a controversial turn of events, the Commission overturned much of this ruling on appeal just three months later. On Sept. 13, the suspension was replaced with a €45,000 fine — and Dvorkovich’s reprimand was revoked entirely.

Nielsen opposed the decision vehemently. “By softening the penalties, FIDE legitimizes RCF’s actions in occupied territories,” he said. He noted that regional chess federations in Crimea and Donetsk were formally integrated into the Russian system, a clear violation of FIDE’s statutes and Ukraine’s territorial sovereignty. 

“FIDE has turned a blind eye,” Nielsen added. “This is not about children playing chess; it’s about Russia institutionalizing occupation through sport.” 

The chess federation’s Ethics Commission is composed of seven members. According to official documents, the decision to soften sanctions was made by three people: Francois Strydom, chair of the commission from South Africa, American David Hater and Indian Ravindra Dongre. 

Strydom, a South African lawyer and longtime chess bureaucrat who, according to Nielsen, ultimately played a decisive role in the softening of sanctions, also holds a prominent position — head of the Dispute Resolution Chamber — connected to the International Boxing Association (IBA), an under-fire organization led by Russian official Umar Kremlev. 

The veteran official’s connections (revealed by Ukrainian sports news outlet Tribuna) to SILA International Lawyers, a firm representing various Russian sports bodies, further fueled allegations of bias. 

Strydom did not respond to POLITICO’s request for comment, but on a public Facebook page he described criticism of his links to Russia as “conspiracy theories.” 

Critics have pointed out that Russian chess competitions in Crimea and the Donbas are particularly sinister.

“What Russia is doing in the occupied territories is pure indoctrination,” Kamyshin, president of Ukraine’s chess federation, told POLITICO. “We are losing to them since we cannot organize so many tournaments. [Our] latest tournament for 70 children was held in October in Irpin and the prize fund was only $500.”

According to documents obtained by Tribuna, RCF-organized tournaments in occupied regions require players to submit personal data and obtain Russian documentation, entrenching Moscow’s control. Ukrainian representatives, including chess chief Kamyshin, argue this violates not only FIDE rules but also the Olympic Charter. 

“Russia has organized more than 2,600 tournaments in the occupied Ukrainian regions over the last 10 years,” Nielsen said, adding that they are funded by deep Russian pockets. 

More than 6,000 players from Russian-controlled territories in Ukraine have been registered by the RCF in its rating database, with nearly 5,000 under the age of 20. 

‘Naive’ about Russia

Opponents of Russian influence in chess haven’t been checkmated yet, however, and their fightback is exemplified by people like Nielsen and his wife, Viktorija Čmilytė-Nielsen, a former speaker of the Lithuanian parliament. 

Nielsen’s journey from promising young chess player to world-class coach and outspoken activist has been shaped by his experiences in Russia. 

Early in his career, Nielsen traveled to Russian chess hubs to learn from their rich tradition in the game, only to witness the intertwining of chess with oligarchic and political influences. “I was one of those Westerners who believed engagement with Russia would lead to peace,” he said. “I see now how naive I was.”

Nielsen’s worldview was further shaped by his wife, Čmilytė-Nielsen, who is also a chess grandmaster. 

Introduced to chess at the age of six, she achieved stunning early victories, including European and World Youth Championships. After transitioning to politics in adulthood, Čmilytė-Nielsen became a key supporter of Ukraine in Lithuania, leading her parliament to adopt resolutions condemning Moscow’s aggression and recognizing Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism.

Her staunch support for Ukraine galvanized Nielsen’s own political activism. 

“Living in Lithuania, where the understanding of Russia is sharper, and seeing my wife’s leadership during these challenging times, profoundly impacted my perspective,” he told POLITICO. “She went to the front lines in 2021 and told me her impressions about this war. That made me rethink what Russia is actually doing in Ukraine.” 

When Russia launched its 2022 invasion, Nielsen became one of the most vocal supporters of Ukrainian sovereignty in the world of chess. He joined forces with Ukrainian grandmaster Andrii Baryshpolets in the 2022 FIDE elections, in an ill-fated challenge to Dvorkovich’s leadership.

“I initially hesitated to join the FIDE presidential campaign, but seeing the deep ties between chess and politics, and inspired by my wife’s insights on Ukraine and Lithuania’s role, I felt it was my duty to stand up for transparency and integrity in the chess world,” he said.

Ukraine’s uphill struggle

For Ukraine’s Kamyshin, the chessboard represents more than strategy: It is a battleground where principles, diplomacy and national identity intersect.

Kyiv’s former minister for strategic industries, who ran the country’s rail infrastructure in the early days of Russia’s war, Kamyshin was elected as president of the country’s chess federation in early September 2024. He is one of the most influential people in the country and is closely connected to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. And he has several ambitious goals for his term in charge. 

Kamyshin wants to strengthen Ukraine’s position within FIDE, advocate for the suspension of Russia’s chess federation and push for the removal of Russian citizens from FIDE’s leadership. It will be an uphill struggle. 

“FIDE today is a lost strategic front for the civilized world,” Kamyshin said, highlighting how Moscow has entrenched itself in the chess governing body, controlling its decisions and operations. “This is not just a Russian citizen leading FIDE — this is a federation run by Russian standards.”

One of the most contentious ongoing issues in chess diplomacy, Kamyshin said, is Russia’s push to reintegrate its players under national flags and anthems despite its ongoing aggression. “As long as they wage an unjust war, killing our athletes, chess players, and civilians, this is unacceptable,” he said.

Beyond the geopolitical struggle as Putin’s forces press ahead in Ukraine’s east and U.S President Donald Trump looks set to scale back American support for Kyiv, Kamyshin is driven by his mission to rebuild chess in Ukraine as both a strategic tool and a symbol of resilience. 

“Ukrainians need to become smarter and stronger,” he said. “Chess is a vital element of that strategy. We’ll fight on every front — on the chessboard and beyond.”